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79
The real dismantling of the empire took place in the twenty-five
years following the Second World War and with the loss of empire went a
loss of power and status. These days, Britain's armed Forces can no longer
act unilaterally, without reference to the international community. Two events
illustrate this. First, Suez. In 1956, Egypt, without prior agreement, took
over the Suez canal from the international company owned by Britain and
France. British and French military action lo stop this was a diplomatic disas-
ter. The USA did not support them and their troops were forced to with-
draw. Second, Cyprus. When this country left the British empire, Britain
became one of the guarantors of its independence from any
other country.
However, when Turkey invaded the island in 1974, British military activity
was restricted to airlifting the personnel of its military base there to safety.
After the Second World War and throughout the 1950s, it was under-
stood that a conference of the world's great powers involved the USA, the
Soviet Union and Britain. However, in 1962, the Cuban missile crisis, one of
the greatest threats to global peace since the war, was resolved without ref-
erence to Britain. By the 1970s it was generally accepted that a 'superpower'
conference involved only the USA and the Soviet Union.
Despite Britain's loss of power and status on the world stage, some
small remnants of the empire remain. Whatever their racial origins, some
inhabitants of Gibraltar, St Helena, the Ascension Islands, the Falklands/
Malvinas and Belize have all wished to continue with the imperial arrange-
ment (they are afraid of being swallowed up by their nearest neighbours).
For British governments, on the one hand this is a source of pride, but on
the other hand it causes embarrassment and irritation: pride, because it
suggests how beneficial the British imperial administration must have
been; embarrassment, because the possession of colonial territories does
not fit with the image of a modern democratic state; and irritation because
it costs the British taxpayer money.
80
The old imperial spirit is not quite dead. In 1982 the British govern-
ment spent hundreds of millions of pounds to recapture the Falk-
lands/Malvinas Islands from the invading Argentinians. We cannot know if
it would have done so if the inhabitants had not been in favour of remaining
British and if Argentina had not had a military dictatorship at the time. But
what we do know is that the government’s action received enormous
popular support at home. Before the 'Falkland's War', opinion polls
showed that the government was extremely unpopular; afterwards, it sud-
denly became extremely popular and easily won the general election early
in the following year.
TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS
Since the Second World War, British governments have often re-
ferred to
the 'special relationship' which exists between Britain and the
USA. There have been occasional low points, such as Suez and when the
USA invaded the Caribbean island of Grenada (a member of the British
Commonwealth). But generally speaking it has persisted. It survived the
Falklands War, when the USA offered Britain important material help, but
little public support, and regained its strength in 1991 during the Gulf
War against Iraq, when Britain gave more active material support to the
Americans than any other European country.
Public feeling about the relationship is ambiguous. On the one hand,
it is reassuring to be so diplomatically close to the most powerful nation in
the world, and the shared language gives people some sense of brotherhood
with Americans. On the other hand, there is mild bitterness about the sheer
power of the USA. There is no distrust, but remarks are often made about
Britain being nothing more than the fifty-first state of the USA. Similarly,
while some older people remember with gratitude the Americans who
came to their aid in two world wars, others resent the fact that it took them
so long to get involved!
In any case, the special relationship has inevitably declined in sig-
nificance since Britain joined the European Community. In the world trade
negotiations of the early 1990s, there was nothing special about Britain's
position with regard to the USA – it was just part of the European trading
bloc. The opening of the Channel tunnel in 1994 has emphasized that Brit-
ain's links are now mainly with Europe. Tourist statistics also point this
way. In 1993, for the first time, it was not American visitors who arrived in
the greatest numbers, it was the French, and there were almost as many
German visitors as Americans. The majority of visitors to Britain are now
from Europe.
The real dismantling of the empire took place in the twenty-five The old imperial spirit is not quite dead. In 1982 the British govern-
years following the Second World War and with the loss of empire went a ment spent hundreds of millions of pounds to recapture the Falk-
loss of power and status. These days, Britain's armed Forces can no longer lands/Malvinas Islands from the invading Argentinians. We cannot know if
act unilaterally, without reference to the international community. Two events it would have done so if the inhabitants had not been in favour of remaining
illustrate this. First, Suez. In 1956, Egypt, without prior agreement, took British and if Argentina had not had a military dictatorship at the time. But
over the Suez canal from the international company owned by Britain and what we do know is that the government’s action received enormous
France. British and French military action lo stop this was a diplomatic disas- popular support at home. Before the 'Falkland's War', opinion polls
ter. The USA did not support them and their troops were forced to with- showed that the government was extremely unpopular; afterwards, it sud-
draw. Second, Cyprus. When this country left the British empire, Britain denly became extremely popular and easily won the general election early
became one of the guarantors of its independence from any other country. in the following year.
However, when Turkey invaded the island in 1974, British military activity
was restricted to airlifting the personnel of its military base there to safety. TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS
After the Second World War and throughout the 1950s, it was under-
Since the Second World War, British governments have often re-
stood that a conference of the world's great powers involved the USA, the
ferred to the 'special relationship' which exists between Britain and the
Soviet Union and Britain. However, in 1962, the Cuban missile crisis, one of
USA. There have been occasional low points, such as Suez and when the
the greatest threats to global peace since the war, was resolved without ref-
USA invaded the Caribbean island of Grenada (a member of the British
erence to Britain. By the 1970s it was generally accepted that a 'superpower'
Commonwealth). But generally speaking it has persisted. It survived the
conference involved only the USA and the Soviet Union.
Falklands War, when the USA offered Britain important material help, but
Despite Britain's loss of power and status on the world stage, some
little public support, and regained its strength in 1991 during the Gulf
small remnants of the empire remain. Whatever their racial origins, some
War against Iraq, when Britain gave more active material support to the
inhabitants of Gibraltar, St Helena, the Ascension Islands, the Falklands/
Americans than any other European country.
Malvinas and Belize have all wished to continue with the imperial arrange-
Public feeling about the relationship is ambiguous. On the one hand,
ment (they are afraid of being swallowed up by their nearest neighbours).
it is reassuring to be so diplomatically close to the most powerful nation in
For British governments, on the one hand this is a source of pride, but on
the world, and the shared language gives people some sense of brotherhood
the other hand it causes embarrassment and irritation: pride, because it
with Americans. On the other hand, there is mild bitterness about the sheer
suggests how beneficial the British imperial administration must have
power of the USA. There is no distrust, but remarks are often made about
been; embarrassment, because the possession of colonial territories does
Britain being nothing more than the fifty-first state of the USA. Similarly,
not fit with the image of a modern democratic state; and irritation because
while some older people remember with gratitude the Americans who
it costs the British taxpayer money.
came to their aid in two world wars, others resent the fact that it took them
so long to get involved!
In any case, the special relationship has inevitably declined in sig-
nificance since Britain joined the European Community. In the world trade
negotiations of the early 1990s, there was nothing special about Britain's
position with regard to the USA – it was just part of the European trading
bloc. The opening of the Channel tunnel in 1994 has emphasized that Brit-
ain's links are now mainly with Europe. Tourist statistics also point this
way. In 1993, for the first time, it was not American visitors who arrived in
the greatest numbers, it was the French, and there were almost as many
German visitors as Americans. The majority of visitors to Britain are now
from Europe.
79 80
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