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13
sword. Part of this following detached themselves to pike to death Lord
Kilwarden, the Chief Justice, who happened to be passing through the streets in a
coach at the time. Emmet appalled by the bloodthirsty rioting into which his bid to
establish an Irish Republic immediately degenerated, abandoned the project and took
himself off into hiding where he remained for a month before being caught, tried and
executed.
The moral of the rebellion of 1798 for the Catholic people of Ireland was clear:
they needed political leadership. The secret societies were too primitive to operate
effectively on a national scale, even when linked to sophisticated political theorists
like the United Irishmen. The Catholic Church was still the only representative
organization the people had, but that clearly was going to be marginal use for the
redressing of Catholic grievances in an overwhelmingly Protestant state. It was to this
political sterility of the Catholic Irish people that O’Connell put an end.
3. Retell the text.
Unit VIII.
1. Read and translate the text.
In the space of just over twenty years O’Connell inaugurated two great political
campaigns in succession. The first was for Catholic Emancipation, or the removal of
the remnants of legal discrimination against Catholics surviving from the penal laws.
Principally this concerned the right of Roman Catholics to sit in Parliament, from
which they were still banned unless they took an oath abjuring certain fundamental
Catholic beliefs. To campaign for Catholic Emancipation, O’Connell built up a strong
mass organization with the help of able middle-class assistants and more important
still of the Roman Catholic clergy. And although it could be said that the right to sit
in Parliament or occupy high office of state was of little immediate interest to the
ordinary Irish peasantry yet it was a symbol of the rising status of all Catholic Irish
people that it was pursued. Above all it was a rallying cry for that people’s right to
have a say in their own affairs, a demonstration of their ability to assert that right
regardless of what a government with roots in London might say.
An essential feature of O’Connell’s political organization was its broad
democratic basis. Associate membership of his Catholic Association could be had for
a penny a month and soon very large sums were following into it. Something not
unlike the first modern political party machine, with strong clerical overtones, was
created. Over the use to which this power might be put, there always to be a query in
the minds of a government all too aware of the dangers from popular fury which had
threatened in Ireland a quarter of a century before.
With the strength of his organization behind him O’Connell put up a (Protestant)
pro-Emancipation candidate to contest a by-election in Waterford, a swat in which
the power of anti-Emancipation Tory landlords to have candidates of their own
choice elected had previously seemed incontestable. Now foe the first time the power
of the Catholic Association proved itself greater still, and tenants voted in droves to
put in the pro-Emancipation candidate. The victory encouraged O’Connell himself to
13
sword. Part of this following detached themselves to pike to death Lord
Kilwarden, the Chief Justice, who happened to be passing through the streets in a
coach at the time. Emmet appalled by the bloodthirsty rioting into which his bid to
establish an Irish Republic immediately degenerated, abandoned the project and took
himself off into hiding where he remained for a month before being caught, tried and
executed.
The moral of the rebellion of 1798 for the Catholic people of Ireland was clear:
they needed political leadership. The secret societies were too primitive to operate
effectively on a national scale, even when linked to sophisticated political theorists
like the United Irishmen. The Catholic Church was still the only representative
organization the people had, but that clearly was going to be marginal use for the
redressing of Catholic grievances in an overwhelmingly Protestant state. It was to this
political sterility of the Catholic Irish people that O’Connell put an end.
3. Retell the text.
Unit VIII.
1. Read and translate the text.
In the space of just over twenty years O’Connell inaugurated two great political
campaigns in succession. The first was for Catholic Emancipation, or the removal of
the remnants of legal discrimination against Catholics surviving from the penal laws.
Principally this concerned the right of Roman Catholics to sit in Parliament, from
which they were still banned unless they took an oath abjuring certain fundamental
Catholic beliefs. To campaign for Catholic Emancipation, O’Connell built up a strong
mass organization with the help of able middle-class assistants and more important
still of the Roman Catholic clergy. And although it could be said that the right to sit
in Parliament or occupy high office of state was of little immediate interest to the
ordinary Irish peasantry yet it was a symbol of the rising status of all Catholic Irish
people that it was pursued. Above all it was a rallying cry for that people’s right to
have a say in their own affairs, a demonstration of their ability to assert that right
regardless of what a government with roots in London might say.
An essential feature of O’Connell’s political organization was its broad
democratic basis. Associate membership of his Catholic Association could be had for
a penny a month and soon very large sums were following into it. Something not
unlike the first modern political party machine, with strong clerical overtones, was
created. Over the use to which this power might be put, there always to be a query in
the minds of a government all too aware of the dangers from popular fury which had
threatened in Ireland a quarter of a century before.
With the strength of his organization behind him O’Connell put up a (Protestant)
pro-Emancipation candidate to contest a by-election in Waterford, a swat in which
the power of anti-Emancipation Tory landlords to have candidates of their own
choice elected had previously seemed incontestable. Now foe the first time the power
of the Catholic Association proved itself greater still, and tenants voted in droves to
put in the pro-Emancipation candidate. The victory encouraged O’Connell himself to
