Doing Business in Russia. Котова К.П - 55 стр.

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55
There is reason to believe that the conflicts in the Northern Caucasus
consist essentially in the struggle of ethnic groups for land, which has been ag-
gravated by the consequences of Stalins deportations .
There is also a tendency toward reclaiming neighboring territories
through migration, which naturally meets with the resistance of both Russians
and of immediate neighbors.
Herein lies the cardinal difference between the problem of Tatarstan and
that of the North Caucasian republics, although both have come out in recent
years as leaders of the sovereignty movement. In the former case, the problem
is political and economic, while in the latter it is ethno-demographic (with cor-
responding political trimmings).
Tatarstan is a relatively quiet region in ethno-demographic terms. The
growth of the republics population is decreasing (110% in 1979-1970, 106% in
1989-1979). The share of the rural population has been decreasing drastically,
by more than 50% since 1959. The numerical growth of the Tatar ethnic group
amount to 10.3% in 1989 compared to 1979, which is only slightly above the
average Russian figure (7%), but considerably lower than the figures of the
North Caucasian peoples. Moreover, most Tatars (more than 70%) live outside
Tatarstan, while in the republic itself the titular ethnic group does not exceed
50% of the population. All this removes the problem of ethnic mobilization.
Population density is very high in Tatarstan (53.5 peole/km
2
). The number of
urban dwellers is also very high (73%, which practically coincides with the av-
erage Russian figure, 73.6%).
Putting it plainly, we have in Tatarstan industrial (Urban) civilization
and in the Northern Caucasus mostly traditional (rural) civilization or, at the
very least, a civilization which is moving painfully from the village to the town.
Thus, all demands of Tatarstan, even the most harsh ones, are supported by po-
litical will and economic reckoning. This makes it possible to negotiate issues
as long as may be necessary in the hope of solving all problems (which in fact
                                        55

      “There is reason to believe that the conflicts in the Northern Caucasus
consist essentially in the struggle of ethnic groups for land, which has been ag-
gravated by the consequences of Stalin’s deportations”.
      There is also a tendency toward reclaiming neighboring territories
through migration, which naturally meets with the resistance of both Russians
and of immediate neighbors.
      Herein lies the cardinal difference between the problem of Tatarstan and
that of the North Caucasian republics, although both have come out in recent
years as leaders of the sovereignty movement. In the former case, the problem
is political and economic, while in the latter it is ethno-demographic (with cor-
responding political trimmings).
      Tatarstan is a relatively quiet region in ethno-demographic terms. The
growth of the republic’s population is decreasing (110% in 1979-1970, 106% in
1989-1979). The share of the rural population has been decreasing drastically,
by more than 50% since 1959. The numerical growth of the Tatar ethnic group
amount to 10.3% in 1989 compared to 1979, which is only slightly above the
average Russian figure (7%), but considerably lower than the figures of the
North Caucasian peoples. Moreover, most Tatars (more than 70%) live outside
Tatarstan, while in the republic itself the titular ethnic group does not exceed
50% of the population. All this removes the problem of ethnic mobilization.
Population density is very high in Tatarstan (53.5 peole/km2). The number of
urban dwellers is also very high (73%, which practically coincides with the av-
erage Russian figure, 73.6%).
      Putting it plainly, we have in Tatarstan industrial (“Urban”) civilization
and in the Northern Caucasus mostly traditional (“rural”) civilization or, at the
very least, a civilization which is moving painfully from the village to the town.
Thus, all demands of Tatarstan, even the most harsh ones, are supported by po-
litical will and economic reckoning. This makes it possible to negotiate issues
as long as may be necessary in the hope of solving all problems (which in fact