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PART I
CHRISTIANITY
Russian Orthodox Church
Although the Russian Orthodox Church marked the millennium of its
foundation in 1988 this was an extended process, which began a century or
more earlier. Byzantine sources speak of a Russian diocese established by the
patriarchate of CONSTANTINOPLE as early as 867. So momentous a devel-
opment, declared Patriarch PHOTIOS (circa 810 – circa 895), demonstrated
that the warlike Russians could now be considered “subjects and friends” of the
Byzantine Empire. By 874, these “subjects and friends” had clearly gained suf-
ficient status to be accorded an archbishop, although the location of his seat re-
mains unclear.
The evidence of early Russian Christianity is scant; all the more gratifying,
then, to learn of Russian Christians acting as co-signatories of a Russo-
Byzantine treaty in 944. Some may have acted as supporters for the Kievan
princess Ol’ga when she decided to link herself, and therefore, potentially, her
subjects, with the Byzantine world by accepting baptism in Constantinople
circa 960. This was the first such symbolic act at her level of society, but it was
not to meet with favour among her immediate successors. A determined pagan
revival in the Kievan realm over the succeeding twenty-five years is reported in
the later chronicles of KIEV and there is some archaeological evidence to sup-
port this.
In the event, Ol’ga’s policy prevailed. By the end of the tenth century the
Kievan elite was driven to accept that the economic, political, cultural and spiri-
tual welfare of the Russian state could no longer be assured unless alliances
were made with one of its monotheistic neighbours. These adhered to Islam, to
Judaism or to Christianity, in either its Roman or its Byzantine form. According
to the stylized account in the Russian Primary Chronicle (probably completed
by A.D. 1116) the ruler of the day, Vladimir or Volodimer, sent envoys to each
of the relevant religious centres, asking for each to be assessed. Their unquali-
fied preference was for the religion of Constantinople. “We know only that God
abides there among them and their worship is superior to that of any other
lands”, they reported after attending Hagia Sophia. “For we cannot forget that
beauty”. Some might think the narrative hardly more than a literary device.
Nevertheless it prompted some historians to read into it a predisposition of the
Russian people to treat beauty as a path to revelation.
Be that as it may, Vladimir duly accepted baptism (988) as part of a pack-
age deal with the Byzantine authorities, which involved urgent military support
for the latter. More important, it promoted Russia’s assimilation to the Byzan-
PA R T I CHRISTIANITY Russian Orthodox Church Although the Russian Orthodox Church marked the millennium of its foundation in 1988 this was an extended process, which began a century or more earlier. Byzantine sources speak of a Russian diocese established by the patriarchate of CONSTANTINOPLE as early as 867. So momentous a devel- opment, declared Patriarch PHOTIOS (circa 810 – circa 895), demonstrated that the warlike Russians could now be considered “subjects and friends” of the Byzantine Empire. By 874, these “subjects and friends” had clearly gained suf- ficient status to be accorded an archbishop, although the location of his seat re- Reader mains unclear. The evidence of early Russian Christianity is scant; all the more gratifying, then, to learn of Russian Christians acting as co-signatories of a Russo- Byzantine treaty in 944. Some may have acted as supporters for the Kievan princess Ol’ga when she decided to link herself, and therefore, potentially, her subjects, with the Byzantine world by accepting baptism in Constantinople circa 960. This was the first such symbolic act at her level of society, but it was not to meet with favour among her immediate successors. A determined pagan revival in the Kievan realm over the succeeding twenty-five years is reported in the later chronicles of KIEV and there is some archaeological evidence to sup- port this. In the event, Ol’ga’s policy prevailed. By the end of the tenth century the Kievan elite was driven to accept that the economic, political, cultural and spiri- tual welfare of the Russian state could no longer be assured unless alliances were made with one of its monotheistic neighbours. These adhered to Islam, to Judaism or to Christianity, in either its Roman or its Byzantine form. According to the stylized account in the Russian Primary Chronicle (probably completed by A.D. 1116) the ruler of the day, Vladimir or Volodimer, sent envoys to each of the relevant religious centres, asking for each to be assessed. Their unquali- fied preference was for the religion of Constantinople. “We know only that God abides there among them and their worship is superior to that of any other lands”, they reported after attending Hagia Sophia. “For we cannot forget that beauty”. Some might think the narrative hardly more than a literary device. Nevertheless it prompted some historians to read into it a predisposition of the Russian people to treat beauty as a path to revelation. Be that as it may, Vladimir duly accepted baptism (988) as part of a pack- age deal with the Byzantine authorities, which involved urgent military support for the latter. More important, it promoted Russia’s assimilation to the Byzan- 61 62
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