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65
fallen, while Moscow, the THIRD ROME, had displaced them, and for ever.
One thing was sure: Moscow was now alone among the EASTERN
ORTHODOX patriarchates in being free of Islamic rule.
Not that the first ROME was to be discounted in determining the status and
orientation of the Russian church. The 1448 decision about autonomy had been
taken in the aftermath of a crisis brought about by Isidor, metropolitan of Mos-
cow (1436–1441). The Moscow establishment, church and state alike, had
spurned his initiatives in furthering formal reunion of the Eastern and Western
churches at the Council of Ferrara/FLORENCE (1438–1439). Isidor had been
deposed and the reunion nullified.
By 1458 the southern metropolitanate of Kiev was taking a different view
of the matter and accepted the decisions of the Ferrara/Florence council for a
time. In due course, being under Polish-Lithuanian rule, the southern metropoli-
tanate accede to a further union with Rome, which was signed ah Brest (1596).
The resulting UNIATE church, even when it was in conflict with the local Or-
thodox population, was still in a position to exercise an influence on the latter,
affecting among other things its theological vocabulary, its iconography and its
worship. As Muscovy and Ukraine entered into increasingly close relations dur-
ing the second half of the seventeenth century and the metropolitanate of Kiev
came under Moscow’s jurisdiction in the years 1685–1687, the influence of
Ukrainian clergy in the Russian church tended to increase. Notable as a channel
of this influence was a pioneer school of higher education in the Muscovite
realm, the Helleno-Greek Academy (1685). Here was the starting point for the
later theological academies of Kiev (1701), St Petersburg (1797), Kazan (1797)
and Sergiev Posad (1814).
Yet there was also an ingrained reluctance among the Orthodox to accept
Western influences in church life, or indeed at all. A spokesman of the orthodox
resistance was Patriarch Filaret of Moscow (circa 1554–1634), who had himself
been imprisoned by the Catholic Poles for eight years prior to his enthronement
in 1618. Opposition to all Western influences was to be most firmly expressed
in that conservative milieu which gave rise to the Old Ritualist (OLD
BELIEVERS) movement halfway through the century.
Patriarch Filaret, father and mentor of the first Romanov tsar, sought a
prominent role in church and state alike. He adopted the title Great Lord. One
of his successors, NIKON (1605–1681), insisted that the title spoke of the
church’s pre-eminence in church-state relations. This went further than the
Byzantine theory of “symphony” between the two spheres, reaffirmed at the
Moscow church council of 1551. Nikon was opposed by the tsar, deposed
(1659) and disgraced (1666). His failure to assert and safeguard the primacy of
the church paved the way for the subjugation of the church administration to the
bureaucracy of Peter the Great in the eighteenth century.
66
Nikon is remembered also for the liturgical reforms, which he vigorously
promoted in an over-ambitious attempt to bring Russian practice into line with
Greek. Well-intentioned though they were, these reforms were widely regarded
as heretical and alienated large numbers of the faithful, many of whom, like the
archpriest AVVAKUM Petrov (1621–1682), went to the stake rather than ac-
cept their legitimacy. Thus was born that schismatic Old Ritualist movement,
which, with its various sub-divisions, has not yet been reintegrated with its par-
ent church.
At the death of Patriarch Adrian (1700), the role of patriarch was con-
sciously allowed to lapse. Peter the Great placed his hopes successively on two
church leaders of markedly Protestant orientation, Metropolitan Stefan Iavorskii
(1658–1722) and Archbishop Feofan Prokopovich (1681–1736). It was the lat-
ter who provided much of the text for Peter’s Ecclesiastical Regulations (1720),
which determined how the Russian church was administered until the fraught
summer of 1917. Although it concerned the structure of a church with pro-
nounced conciliar traditions, the text was drawn up in camera at the emperor’s
behest.
The same emperor nominated his own representative as supervisor of the
new governing body of the Russian church, the Holy Synod. No matter how
many bishops of that synod subsequently validated them their signatures, the
new regulations accorded the signatories themselves little more than titular
status. Appropriately enough, the title of the synod’s senior civil servant was
given in plain German: Oberprokuror; for the Lutheran G.W. Leibnitz (1646–
1716) was the ultimate source of much of the regulations’ text. The church’s
administration now took the form of a government department. No longer was
there any question of symphony between church and state, still less of state sub-
ordination to the church.
In 1762–1764, soon after Catherine the Great’s accession, the church was
deprived of extensive land-holdings and, with them, of over 2 million serfs. The
church’s economic dependence on the state now matched its administrative sub-
jugation. A symbol of this subjugation was metropolitan Arsenii Matseevich of
Rostov (1696–1776), whose protests against these actions of the state led to his
demotion and imprisonment.
Monasteries were among the bodies hardest hit under the new dispensa-
tion. But this did not prevent a fresh flowering of the spiritual life in the monas-
tic milieu by the turn of the eighteenth century. Most influential in its promo-
tion was the elder PAISSII VELICHKOVSKII (1722–1794). His partial transla-
tion into Slavonic (1793) of the recently completed PHILOKALIA provided
this revival with its textbook. Paissy is remembered also for his advocacy of the
JESUS PRAYER and his validation of the informal institution of the monastic
elder or STARETS. For much of his life the Ukrainian Paissii lived on the pe-
fallen, while Moscow, the THIRD ROME, had displaced them, and for ever. Nikon is remembered also for the liturgical reforms, which he vigorously One thing was sure: Moscow was now alone among the EASTERN promoted in an over-ambitious attempt to bring Russian practice into line with ORTHODOX patriarchates in being free of Islamic rule. Greek. Well-intentioned though they were, these reforms were widely regarded Not that the first ROME was to be discounted in determining the status and as heretical and alienated large numbers of the faithful, many of whom, like the orientation of the Russian church. The 1448 decision about autonomy had been archpriest AVVAKUM Petrov (1621–1682), went to the stake rather than ac- taken in the aftermath of a crisis brought about by Isidor, metropolitan of Mos- cept their legitimacy. Thus was born that schismatic Old Ritualist movement, cow (1436–1441). The Moscow establishment, church and state alike, had which, with its various sub-divisions, has not yet been reintegrated with its par- spurned his initiatives in furthering formal reunion of the Eastern and Western ent church. churches at the Council of Ferrara/FLORENCE (1438–1439). Isidor had been At the death of Patriarch Adrian (1700), the role of patriarch was con- deposed and the reunion nullified. sciously allowed to lapse. Peter the Great placed his hopes successively on two By 1458 the southern metropolitanate of Kiev was taking a different view church leaders of markedly Protestant orientation, Metropolitan Stefan Iavorskii of the matter and accepted the decisions of the Ferrara/Florence council for a (1658–1722) and Archbishop Feofan Prokopovich (1681–1736). It was the lat- time. In due course, being under Polish-Lithuanian rule, the southern metropoli- ter who provided much of the text for Peter’s Ecclesiastical Regulations (1720), tanate accede to a further union with Rome, which was signed ah Brest (1596). which determined how the Russian church was administered until the fraught The resulting UNIATE church, even when it was in conflict with the local Or- summer of 1917. Although it concerned the structure of a church with pro- thodox population, was still in a position to exercise an influence on the latter, nounced conciliar traditions, the text was drawn up in camera at the emperor’s affecting among other things its theological vocabulary, its iconography and its behest. worship. As Muscovy and Ukraine entered into increasingly close relations dur- The same emperor nominated his own representative as supervisor of the ing the second half of the seventeenth century and the metropolitanate of Kiev new governing body of the Russian church, the Holy Synod. No matter how came under Moscow’s jurisdiction in the years 1685–1687, the influence of many bishops of that synod subsequently validated them their signatures, the Ukrainian clergy in the Russian church tended to increase. Notable as a channel new regulations accorded the signatories themselves little more than titular of this influence was a pioneer school of higher education in the Muscovite status. Appropriately enough, the title of the synod’s senior civil servant was realm, the Helleno-Greek Academy (1685). Here was the starting point for the given in plain German: Oberprokuror; for the Lutheran G.W. Leibnitz (1646– later theological academies of Kiev (1701), St Petersburg (1797), Kazan (1797) 1716) was the ultimate source of much of the regulations’ text. The church’s and Sergiev Posad (1814). administration now took the form of a government department. No longer was Yet there was also an ingrained reluctance among the Orthodox to accept there any question of symphony between church and state, still less of state sub- Western influences in church life, or indeed at all. A spokesman of the orthodox ordination to the church. resistance was Patriarch Filaret of Moscow (circa 1554–1634), who had himself In 1762–1764, soon after Catherine the Great’s accession, the church was been imprisoned by the Catholic Poles for eight years prior to his enthronement deprived of extensive land-holdings and, with them, of over 2 million serfs. The in 1618. Opposition to all Western influences was to be most firmly expressed church’s economic dependence on the state now matched its administrative sub- in that conservative milieu which gave rise to the Old Ritualist (OLD jugation. A symbol of this subjugation was metropolitan Arsenii Matseevich of BELIEVERS) movement halfway through the century. Rostov (1696–1776), whose protests against these actions of the state led to his Patriarch Filaret, father and mentor of the first Romanov tsar, sought a demotion and imprisonment. prominent role in church and state alike. He adopted the title Great Lord. One Monasteries were among the bodies hardest hit under the new dispensa- of his successors, NIKON (1605–1681), insisted that the title spoke of the tion. But this did not prevent a fresh flowering of the spiritual life in the monas- church’s pre-eminence in church-state relations. This went further than the tic milieu by the turn of the eighteenth century. Most influential in its promo- Byzantine theory of “symphony” between the two spheres, reaffirmed at the tion was the elder PAISSII VELICHKOVSKII (1722–1794). His partial transla- Moscow church council of 1551. Nikon was opposed by the tsar, deposed tion into Slavonic (1793) of the recently completed PHILOKALIA provided (1659) and disgraced (1666). His failure to assert and safeguard the primacy of this revival with its textbook. Paissy is remembered also for his advocacy of the the church paved the way for the subjugation of the church administration to the JESUS PRAYER and his validation of the informal institution of the monastic bureaucracy of Peter the Great in the eighteenth century. elder or STARETS. For much of his life the Ukrainian Paissii lived on the pe- 65 66
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