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69
lies. In 1943 he allowed the designation of Metropolitan Sergii as patriarch and,
more important, the eventual reopening of theological schools. Overt parish life
was resumed, often emerging from the “catacombs”. At the same time, the re-
vival of church life which the Germans had permitted in occupied regions was
not simply nullified once the invaders were expelled.
Continued toleration of the church was conditional on its acceptance of a
strictly delimited life, which concerned itself almost entirely with worship. In
exchange it was required to offer its services in the diplomatic field and so par-
ticipated in the World Peace Council (from 1949), the Christian Peace Confer-
ence (from 1958) and the World Council of Churches (from 1961). Not that the
state honoured its reciprocal, albeit unpublished, obligations; rather, the period
of Khrushchev’s ascendancy was marked by a return to overt persecution
(1958–1964) and the closure of something like a half of the Orthodox churches
then open. The patriarch of the post-war decades, Aleksii Simanskii (1877–
1970) uttered one dignified protest in public (1960), but otherwise maintained a
sorrowful silence on the subject. All the more dignified, by contrast, were the
dissident statements of Archbishop Ermogen Golubev (1896–1978) and the
priests Gleb Iakunin and Nikolai Eshliman. Each in turn was marginalized by
the church administration. Iakunin was subsequently imprisoned for his defence
of believers’ rights (1979–1988). Throughout the decades the state sought to
ensure that the church continued to be docile, inward-looking, loyal. It imposed
its views through the agency of a governmental Council for Religious Affairs,
founded in 1943, reorganized and renamed in 1965.
Contrary to expectations, the millennium of the Russian church (1988)
helped to bring it out of its prevailing shadows. It was permitted to adopt new
statutes, which offered greater freedom to its constituent parts. A new patriarch,
Aleksii Ridiger, was elected, rather than appointed by agreement with the state
(1989). By the end of communist rule (1991), the church was well placed to
proceed with its programmes, which could now concern education, charity and
mission. Its members swelled by many millions, since baptism was no longer
monitored by the state.
This has had its drawbacks, since not all baptisms were necessarily the re-
sult of spiritual zeal. A church, which had become profoundly conservative in
Soviet times as a defensive measure, has now become no less conservative by
choice. Liberal clergy are at a discount. Some have been disciplined and even,
as in the case of Iakunin in 1994, unfrocked. Anti-Semitism, an aberration of
pre-revolutionary right-wing grouping in the Russian church, has sometimes
been propagated. Various kinds of nationalism threaten at least the administra-
tive unity of the Moscow patriarchate, most obviously in the newly independent
UKRAINE. Whereas the present Russian constitution makes provision for a
free church in a free state, the Moscow patriarchate would clearly prefer a
70
dominant role among the denominations and religions of the new Russia, even
the status of an established church, as of old. Positive use has been made of
many opportunities, and there is no longer a paucity of churches, monasteries or
theological schools. But the hopes, which were previously entertained by many
an observer for the purgation of the church by the trials of communism have yet
to be sustained.
Russian Orthodox Church Abroad
Otherwise known as the Russian Church in Exile, the Russian Synod, the
Russian Orthodox Church outside Russia (ROCOR) and the Karlovtsians, the
ROCA has played a disproportionately important role in the history of the
church in the twentieth century for its size, now about 150,000 parishioners,
330 parishes and 24 monasteries in the DIASPORA. Originally formed as a
group of south Russian bishops who found themselves in White-held territory
and cut off from the patriarch in Moscow during the Russian civil war of 1919–
1921, ROCA received what it regards as a firm canonical foundation through
ukaz no. 362 of the patriarch, the Holy Synod and the Higher Church Council
dated 7/20 November 1920, which allowed bishops who found themselves out
of communication with the higher church administration in Moscow to form
autonomous groups of dioceses led by the eldest hierarch among them. The
leader of the ROCA from 1919 to his death in 1936 was Metropolitan Antonii
Khrapovitskii of Kiev.
At the end of the civil war, the ROCA emigrated from Russia together with
the retreating White troops, eventually setting up headquarters in Karlovtsy,
Serbia, as an autonomous administration under the protection of the Serbian
church on the basis of canon 39 of the Sixth ECUMENICAL COUNCIL. The
headquarters moved to New York after the Second World War. The church’s
right to form such an administration was recognized in the beginning by all the
AUTOCEPHALOUS churches except the Romanian. When, however, ROCA
began to rebuke, first the Ecumenical Patriarchate for what it saw as imperial-
ism at the expense of the Russian church and for what were claimed to be un-
canonical innovations such as the new CALENDAR, and, from 1928, the Mos-
cow patriarchate for what it condemned as submission to the communists, this
recognition was gradually withdrawn by all except two local churches – the
Serbian and Jerusalem patriarchates, with which ROCA remains in unofficial
communion. In the 1960s ROCA came into communion with the True Ortho-
dox (Old Calendar) Church of Greece; but divisions among the OLD
CALENDARISTS meant that by 1995 the ROCA was in communion with only
one branch of the Greek Old Calendarists, the “Cyprianites”, and with the Ro-
manian Old Calendarists.
Although not in communion with the Moscow patriarchate, the ROCA al-
ways considered itself that part of the Russian Orthodox church which found
lies. In 1943 he allowed the designation of Metropolitan Sergii as patriarch and, dominant role among the denominations and religions of the new Russia, even more important, the eventual reopening of theological schools. Overt parish life the status of an established church, as of old. Positive use has been made of was resumed, often emerging from the “catacombs”. At the same time, the re- many opportunities, and there is no longer a paucity of churches, monasteries or vival of church life which the Germans had permitted in occupied regions was theological schools. But the hopes, which were previously entertained by many not simply nullified once the invaders were expelled. an observer for the purgation of the church by the trials of communism have yet Continued toleration of the church was conditional on its acceptance of a to be sustained. strictly delimited life, which concerned itself almost entirely with worship. In exchange it was required to offer its services in the diplomatic field and so par- Russian Orthodox Church Abroad ticipated in the World Peace Council (from 1949), the Christian Peace Confer- Otherwise known as the Russian Church in Exile, the Russian Synod, the ence (from 1958) and the World Council of Churches (from 1961). Not that the Russian Orthodox Church outside Russia (ROCOR) and the Karlovtsians, the state honoured its reciprocal, albeit unpublished, obligations; rather, the period ROCA has played a disproportionately important role in the history of the of Khrushchev’s ascendancy was marked by a return to overt persecution church in the twentieth century for its size, now about 150,000 parishioners, (1958–1964) and the closure of something like a half of the Orthodox churches 330 parishes and 24 monasteries in the DIASPORA. Originally formed as a then open. The patriarch of the post-war decades, Aleksii Simanskii (1877– group of south Russian bishops who found themselves in White-held territory 1970) uttered one dignified protest in public (1960), but otherwise maintained a and cut off from the patriarch in Moscow during the Russian civil war of 1919– sorrowful silence on the subject. All the more dignified, by contrast, were the 1921, ROCA received what it regards as a firm canonical foundation through dissident statements of Archbishop Ermogen Golubev (1896–1978) and the ukaz no. 362 of the patriarch, the Holy Synod and the Higher Church Council priests Gleb Iakunin and Nikolai Eshliman. Each in turn was marginalized by dated 7/20 November 1920, which allowed bishops who found themselves out the church administration. Iakunin was subsequently imprisoned for his defence of communication with the higher church administration in Moscow to form of believers’ rights (1979–1988). Throughout the decades the state sought to autonomous groups of dioceses led by the eldest hierarch among them. The ensure that the church continued to be docile, inward-looking, loyal. It imposed leader of the ROCA from 1919 to his death in 1936 was Metropolitan Antonii its views through the agency of a governmental Council for Religious Affairs, Khrapovitskii of Kiev. founded in 1943, reorganized and renamed in 1965. At the end of the civil war, the ROCA emigrated from Russia together with Contrary to expectations, the millennium of the Russian church (1988) the retreating White troops, eventually setting up headquarters in Karlovtsy, helped to bring it out of its prevailing shadows. It was permitted to adopt new Serbia, as an autonomous administration under the protection of the Serbian statutes, which offered greater freedom to its constituent parts. A new patriarch, church on the basis of canon 39 of the Sixth ECUMENICAL COUNCIL. The Aleksii Ridiger, was elected, rather than appointed by agreement with the state headquarters moved to New York after the Second World War. The church’s (1989). By the end of communist rule (1991), the church was well placed to right to form such an administration was recognized in the beginning by all the proceed with its programmes, which could now concern education, charity and AUTOCEPHALOUS churches except the Romanian. When, however, ROCA mission. Its members swelled by many millions, since baptism was no longer began to rebuke, first the Ecumenical Patriarchate for what it saw as imperial- monitored by the state. ism at the expense of the Russian church and for what were claimed to be un- This has had its drawbacks, since not all baptisms were necessarily the re- canonical innovations such as the new CALENDAR, and, from 1928, the Mos- sult of spiritual zeal. A church, which had become profoundly conservative in cow patriarchate for what it condemned as submission to the communists, this Soviet times as a defensive measure, has now become no less conservative by recognition was gradually withdrawn by all except two local churches – the choice. Liberal clergy are at a discount. Some have been disciplined and even, Serbian and Jerusalem patriarchates, with which ROCA remains in unofficial as in the case of Iakunin in 1994, unfrocked. Anti-Semitism, an aberration of communion. In the 1960s ROCA came into communion with the True Ortho- pre-revolutionary right-wing grouping in the Russian church, has sometimes dox (Old Calendar) Church of Greece; but divisions among the OLD been propagated. Various kinds of nationalism threaten at least the administra- CALENDARISTS meant that by 1995 the ROCA was in communion with only tive unity of the Moscow patriarchate, most obviously in the newly independent one branch of the Greek Old Calendarists, the “Cyprianites”, and with the Ro- UKRAINE. Whereas the present Russian constitution makes provision for a manian Old Calendarists. free church in a free state, the Moscow patriarchate would clearly prefer a Although not in communion with the Moscow patriarchate, the ROCA al- ways considered itself that part of the Russian Orthodox church which found 69 70
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