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55
this, arguing that Heisenberg was neither a hero nor a villain, but was
instead "morally and politically obtuse".
Sanford Segal's book looks in depth at the fate of German
mathematics under Hitler. Mathematicians, of course, were also faced
with the wave of expulsions of Jews from the profession. For those
who remained, Nazism quickly impinged on their lives. Mathemati-
cians were subject to repeated political evaluations. University em-
ployees had to swear oaths of loyalty to Hitler and greet their col-
leagues with the Nazi salute. Foreign contacts and travel were strictly
limited, and research stagnated.
Some mathematicians, such as Hermann Weyl, chose to leave,
while many remained and kept a low profile. However, a few collabo-
rated with enthusiasm. A particularly egregious example was Ludwig
Bieberbach, a senior professor in Berlin and a leading mathematician
of the period. Bieberbach was an enthusiastic proponent of Nazi ideol-
ogy, publicly advancing a theory of racial and national differences in
mathematical style. His theory divided mathematicians into two types:
Jewish or French mathematicians (the "S-type") were pure theorists
who imposed their ideas upon the world, while true German mathema-
ticians (the "I-type") supposedly understood the world as it really was.
Mr Segal's account of this episode is one of the most interesting
parts of the book. While the maths may at times prove too technical for
the lay reader, the strength of the book lies in its many individual sto-
ries and case histories. Mr Cornwell's work is more wide-ranging and
accessible, and evokes the moral dilemmas of the period very effec-
tively. Both books offer disturbing and important accounts of the life of
science and scientists under the Nazis.
56
Economics Focus
Soft science no more
Once a beautiful turn of phrase would take you a long way in
economics. From Adam Smith to John Maynard Keynes, economists
were content to put their theories and ideas into (mostly) English prose,
and leave it at that. Their big, breezy thoughts made great, but impre-
cise reading. Contradictions were glossed over. So prolix was Keynes,
for example, that he is thought to have said everything at least once.
This will no longer do. Since 1945 or so, practitioners of what
was once called "political economy" have become more demanding.
They sought to test their grand thoughts against the hard facts of the
real world. Incomes, interest rates, and prices of all sorts could be
measured. Did they behave as theory supposed? National accounts, the
detailed measures of GDP, were just being created, at Keynes's behest.
But economic data were, and still are, messy; analysing them even
more so. It took decades to develop the tools to detect and measure
economic relationships with much certainty.
This year's (2003) Nobel prize has gone to two economists who
epitomise the rise of statistical techniques: Robert Engle, an American
economist at New York University, and Clive Granger, a Briton at the
University of California at San Diego. They have crafted some of the
most sophisticated tools to analyse economic data. Their contributions,
developed during the 1980s, deal especially with "time-series" data:
share prices, household consumption, inflation-anything, in fact, that
changes over time, and thus poses difficulties for older forms of statis-
tical analysis.
Poets and Plumbers
The Nobel committee seems to be highlighting the wide range of
ideas and skills that comprise modern economics: a healthy equilib-
rium, you might say, between poets and plumbers. Last year one of the
two winners was a psychologist whose findings contradict many of the
assumptions of economic theory. This year the plumbers were back.
Only three years have passed since James Heckman and Daniel
this, arguing that Heisenberg was neither a hero nor a villain, but was Economics Focus
instead "morally and politically obtuse".
Sanford Segal's book looks in depth at the fate of German Soft science no more
mathematics under Hitler. Mathematicians, of course, were also faced Once a beautiful turn of phrase would take you a long way in
with the wave of expulsions of Jews from the profession. For those economics. From Adam Smith to John Maynard Keynes, economists
who remained, Nazism quickly impinged on their lives. Mathemati- were content to put their theories and ideas into (mostly) English prose,
cians were subject to repeated political evaluations. University em- and leave it at that. Their big, breezy thoughts made great, but impre-
ployees had to swear oaths of loyalty to Hitler and greet their col- cise reading. Contradictions were glossed over. So prolix was Keynes,
leagues with the Nazi salute. Foreign contacts and travel were strictly for example, that he is thought to have said everything at least once.
limited, and research stagnated. This will no longer do. Since 1945 or so, practitioners of what
Some mathematicians, such as Hermann Weyl, chose to leave, was once called "political economy" have become more demanding.
while many remained and kept a low profile. However, a few collabo- They sought to test their grand thoughts against the hard facts of the
rated with enthusiasm. A particularly egregious example was Ludwig real world. Incomes, interest rates, and prices of all sorts could be
Bieberbach, a senior professor in Berlin and a leading mathematician measured. Did they behave as theory supposed? National accounts, the
of the period. Bieberbach was an enthusiastic proponent of Nazi ideol- detailed measures of GDP, were just being created, at Keynes's behest.
ogy, publicly advancing a theory of racial and national differences in But economic data were, and still are, messy; analysing them even
mathematical style. His theory divided mathematicians into two types: more so. It took decades to develop the tools to detect and measure
Jewish or French mathematicians (the "S-type") were pure theorists economic relationships with much certainty.
who imposed their ideas upon the world, while true German mathema- This year's (2003) Nobel prize has gone to two economists who
ticians (the "I-type") supposedly understood the world as it really was. epitomise the rise of statistical techniques: Robert Engle, an American
Mr Segal's account of this episode is one of the most interesting economist at New York University, and Clive Granger, a Briton at the
parts of the book. While the maths may at times prove too technical for University of California at San Diego. They have crafted some of the
the lay reader, the strength of the book lies in its many individual sto- most sophisticated tools to analyse economic data. Their contributions,
ries and case histories. Mr Cornwell's work is more wide-ranging and developed during the 1980s, deal especially with "time-series" data:
accessible, and evokes the moral dilemmas of the period very effec- share prices, household consumption, inflation-anything, in fact, that
tively. Both books offer disturbing and important accounts of the life of changes over time, and thus poses difficulties for older forms of statis-
science and scientists under the Nazis. tical analysis.
Poets and Plumbers
The Nobel committee seems to be highlighting the wide range of
ideas and skills that comprise modern economics: a healthy equilib-
rium, you might say, between poets and plumbers. Last year one of the
two winners was a psychologist whose findings contradict many of the
assumptions of economic theory. This year the plumbers were back.
Only three years have passed since James Heckman and Daniel
55 56
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