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61
and foreign goods be treated under the same standard (non-
discrimination) to actually seeking to set a global standard to which all
countries must adapt, a much more complicated, subjective decision.
The combination of the WTO's powerful new enforcement ca-
pacities and the Uruguay Round's expansive new rules encroaching
into areas traditionally considered the realm of domestic policy effec-
tively shift many decisions regarding public health and safety and envi-
ronmental and social concerns from democratically-elected domestic
bodies to WTO tribunals.
http://www.citizen.org/trade/wto/ (1849 символов)
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H
H
D
D
O
O
C
C
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I
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Responding to new threats of international terrorism, the admini-
stration of President George W. Bush has developed a new national
security policy to guide the U.S. military. Known as the Bush doctrine,
the policy was outlined in a September 2002 document known as «The
National Security Strategy of the United States». In it, the United
States for the first time reserves the option to wage preemptive war and
opens the possibility for American use of nuclear weapons against
nonnuclear states.
President Bush argued that the new policy was necessary to pre-
vent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, comprising nu-
clear, biological, and chemical weapons. He cited the breakdown of the
strategy of deterrence that served the U.S. military during the Cold War
when the policy of «mutual assured destruction» was thought to be suf-
ficient to prevent any nation with nuclear weapons from launching a
nuclear war. This breakdown, Bush argued, was due to the increasing
possibility that weapons of mass destruction could fall into the hands of
stateless terrorists, such as al-Qaeda, who would not be deterred from
using them.
«Given the goals of rogue states and terrorists, the United States
can no longer solely rely on a reactive posture as we have in the past ...
Traditional concepts of deterrence will not work against a terrorist en-
emy whose avowed tactics are wanton destruction and the targeting o
f
innocents; whose so-called soldiers seek martyrdom in death and
whose most potent protection is statelessness.» – From The National
Security Strategy of the United States
62
In line with the new policy, the Bush administration in 2002
withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, known as the ABM
Treaty, and called for the creation of a missile defense shield for the
United States by 2004. The policy also provides the Bush administra-
tion with its rationale for waging preemptive war against Iraq.
The new policy, however, has met with criticism from some
arms control and national security experts. Critics of the Bush doctrine
note that a preemptive policy sets a dangerous precedent. Other coun-
tries with nuclear weapons might decide that they also have the right to
launch a preemptive attack. For example, both India and Pakistan have
nuclear weapons, and relations between the two countries are tense. If
one or both of these countries adopted their own version of the Bush
doctrine, the resulting destabilization might lead to a nuclear holocaust.
Alternatively, these critics also argue, a nonnuclear state fearing a pre-
emptive attack from the United States or another powerful country
might decide that its only recourse was to seek weapons of mass de-
struction for self-protection. A spiraling arms race might ensue that
would wreck the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty.
Many political observers also fear that a preemptive war policy
might threaten American democracy since a preemptive war launched
by surprise attack would bypass Congress’s constitutional right to de-
clare war.
Finally, critics of the Bush doctrine argue that the U.S. decision
to build a missile defense shield signals to other countries that the
United States might be pursuing a first-strike strategy. A first-strike
strategy seeks to win a nuclear war with another nuclear power by
striking first and then seeking protection from nuclear retaliation with a
missile defense shield. Other nations might then seek their own defense
shields and further destabilize the world.
Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has emerged as
the world’s sole superpower. The technological edge enjoyed by U.S.
air, land, and naval power is likely to maintain that sole-superpower
status for at least the next decade. For many people, however, the ques-
tion is how wisely the world’s only superpower will play its role.
http://www.encarta.com (3207 символов)
and foreign goods be treated under the same standard (non- In line with the new policy, the Bush administration in 2002 discrimination) to actually seeking to set a global standard to which all withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, known as the ABM countries must adapt, a much more complicated, subjective decision. Treaty, and called for the creation of a missile defense shield for the The combination of the WTO's powerful new enforcement ca- United States by 2004. The policy also provides the Bush administra- pacities and the Uruguay Round's expansive new rules encroaching tion with its rationale for waging preemptive war against Iraq. into areas traditionally considered the realm of domestic policy effec- The new policy, however, has met with criticism from some tively shift many decisions regarding public health and safety and envi- arms control and national security experts. Critics of the Bush doctrine ronmental and social concerns from democratically-elected domestic note that a preemptive policy sets a dangerous precedent. Other coun- bodies to WTO tribunals. tries with nuclear weapons might decide that they also have the right to http://www.citizen.org/trade/wto/ (1849 символов) launch a preemptive attack. For example, both India and Pakistan have nuclear weapons, and relations between the two countries are tense. If THE BUSH DOCTRINE AND THE U.S. MILITARY one or both of these countries adopted their own version of the Bush doctrine, the resulting destabilization might lead to a nuclear holocaust. Responding to new threats of international terrorism, the admini- Alternatively, these critics also argue, a nonnuclear state fearing a pre- stration of President George W. Bush has developed a new national emptive attack from the United States or another powerful country security policy to guide the U.S. military. Known as the Bush doctrine, might decide that its only recourse was to seek weapons of mass de- the policy was outlined in a September 2002 document known as «The struction for self-protection. A spiraling arms race might ensue that National Security Strategy of the United States». In it, the United would wreck the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty. States for the first time reserves the option to wage preemptive war and Many political observers also fear that a preemptive war policy opens the possibility for American use of nuclear weapons against might threaten American democracy since a preemptive war launched nonnuclear states. by surprise attack would bypass Congress’s constitutional right to de- President Bush argued that the new policy was necessary to pre- clare war. vent the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, comprising nu- Finally, critics of the Bush doctrine argue that the U.S. decision clear, biological, and chemical weapons. He cited the breakdown of the to build a missile defense shield signals to other countries that the strategy of deterrence that served the U.S. military during the Cold War United States might be pursuing a first-strike strategy. A first-strike when the policy of «mutual assured destruction» was thought to be suf- strategy seeks to win a nuclear war with another nuclear power by ficient to prevent any nation with nuclear weapons from launching a striking first and then seeking protection from nuclear retaliation with a nuclear war. This breakdown, Bush argued, was due to the increasing missile defense shield. Other nations might then seek their own defense possibility that weapons of mass destruction could fall into the hands of shields and further destabilize the world. stateless terrorists, such as al-Qaeda, who would not be deterred from Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has emerged as using them. the world’s sole superpower. The technological edge enjoyed by U.S. «Given the goals of rogue states and terrorists, the United States air, land, and naval power is likely to maintain that sole-superpower can no longer solely rely on a reactive posture as we have in the past ... status for at least the next decade. For many people, however, the ques- Traditional concepts of deterrence will not work against a terrorist en- tion is how wisely the world’s only superpower will play its role. emy whose avowed tactics are wanton destruction and the targeting of http://www.encarta.com (3207 символов) innocents; whose so-called soldiers seek martyrdom in death and whose most potent protection is statelessness.» – From The National Security Strategy of the United States 61 62
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