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67
it and to bear the burden of attacks upon it? This question has never
been satisfactorily answered.
Thus, the principle of popular sovereignty has provided modern
states with the moral leverage to nationalize the lives of their citizens in
a way that puts them at risk. Terrorists of all stripes use this principle
for their own purposes, and they capitalize on the moral ambivalence
reflected in the remark: «One man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom
fighter.»
Self-determination is one of those 19th-century liberal ideas
which has worked its way into the primary documents of 20th-century
international law, including the United Nations Charter. The principle
claims that «a people» has the right to determine its destiny and the
disposition of the land upon which it lives without the intervention of
outside parties. The principle of self-determination came to the fore
after 1945 as a rubric for decolonization.
The moral tradition that shaped the West is an amalgam of clas-
sical and Christian sources. This ethical confluence has possible despite
considerable differences between the two sources because both agree
that the good life involves strict adherence to categorical moral princi-
ples. Both Plato and Aristotle insisted that injustice was not permitted
as a means of producing good consequences. Plato and Aristotle initi-
ated what was later to be called the natural-law tradition. Central to
natural-law thinking is the Platonic insight that it is possible to define
objectively what it means to be good at being a person. Just as there are
standards of excellence for being a doctor and a teacher, so there are
knowable standards of excellence for being human. The good society is
one in which people are allowed to conform to these standards.
The Judeo-Christian idea of a transcendent source of all value is
consonant with these classical insights. The commandments that gov-
ern the life of the Jew and the Christian are strictly categorical in na-
ture, as indeed are most ethical codes based on theistic sources. Friend-
ship with God is closely linked to walking the path of justice; it is un-
derstood that to damage any basic human value is to attack the very
source of value and being.
The absolutist conception of justice was reflected in the medie-
val theory of the just war. The notion that in war noncombatants must
never be made the object of direct attacks is but one instance of the ap-
plication of the categorical prohibition of murder to the realm of war.
68
Machiavelli does not make it entirely clear why the preservation
of the political order outweighs any other known good, but we may
understand his thinking as a response to the rise of the modern, central-
ized state. In a world of absolute sovereign states, no structure exists to
which appeal can be made over the heads of the princes. The state,
therefore, becomes the only hope for the survival of any conception of
the good life. A transitional figure, Machiavelli reflected the tension
between the old and the new ways of thinking about justice. On the one
hand, he recognized the good in the traditional sense – that there are
certain qualities of character that are worth having for their own sake,
and goods that are self-evident in the sense that no argument or further
justification is necessary for them. On the other hand, he believed that
necessities of state require the sacrifice of some of these principles (in
particular, the prohibition against murder) for a greater good.
Machiavelli’s thought was brought to completion in the 19th
century by philosophers like Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill
whose work faced up to the pure consequentialism of much modern
politics. In its mature 19th-century formulations, consequentialism was
a theory devised, in part, to deal with the perceived disappearance of
generally agreed-upon moral standards. The skepticism brought on in
some quarters by the rise of empiricism, Darwinism and various forms
of atheism led to the search for some standard that would unite radi-
cally heterogeneous values. Mill and others fixed upon certain subjec-
tive ends, styled variously as «happiness» or «pleasure.» As the afore-
mentioned belief in divine providence continued to decline, the terrible
burden of completely securing the future seemed to fall entirely upon
human shoulders. In principle, no possible course of action could be
ruled out as wrong or impermissible in itself and no sacrifice of known
goods could be regarded as too great if it would secure greater happi-
ness in the future. Thus, in the search for a means of maximizing the
good, moral rules lost their categorical force. Given the pervasiveness
of this moral theory and its impact upon the common person, it is no
accident that our own century is replete with political movements that
require or threaten the destruction of known values in order to create a
future of unlimited happiness. The belief in the mutability of moral ob-
ligations is one of the main arguments for terrorism. If there are no ab-
solute human rights, the innocent are in danger. «Calculations» about
it and to bear the burden of attacks upon it? This question has never Machiavelli does not make it entirely clear why the preservation been satisfactorily answered. of the political order outweighs any other known good, but we may Thus, the principle of popular sovereignty has provided modern understand his thinking as a response to the rise of the modern, central- states with the moral leverage to nationalize the lives of their citizens in ized state. In a world of absolute sovereign states, no structure exists to a way that puts them at risk. Terrorists of all stripes use this principle which appeal can be made over the heads of the princes. The state, for their own purposes, and they capitalize on the moral ambivalence therefore, becomes the only hope for the survival of any conception of reflected in the remark: «One man’s terrorist is another man’s freedom the good life. A transitional figure, Machiavelli reflected the tension fighter.» between the old and the new ways of thinking about justice. On the one Self-determination is one of those 19th-century liberal ideas hand, he recognized the good in the traditional sense – that there are which has worked its way into the primary documents of 20th-century certain qualities of character that are worth having for their own sake, international law, including the United Nations Charter. The principle and goods that are self-evident in the sense that no argument or further claims that «a people» has the right to determine its destiny and the justification is necessary for them. On the other hand, he believed that disposition of the land upon which it lives without the intervention of necessities of state require the sacrifice of some of these principles (in outside parties. The principle of self-determination came to the fore particular, the prohibition against murder) for a greater good. after 1945 as a rubric for decolonization. Machiavelli’s thought was brought to completion in the 19th The moral tradition that shaped the West is an amalgam of clas- century by philosophers like Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill sical and Christian sources. This ethical confluence has possible despite whose work faced up to the pure consequentialism of much modern considerable differences between the two sources because both agree politics. In its mature 19th-century formulations, consequentialism was that the good life involves strict adherence to categorical moral princi- a theory devised, in part, to deal with the perceived disappearance of ples. Both Plato and Aristotle insisted that injustice was not permitted generally agreed-upon moral standards. The skepticism brought on in as a means of producing good consequences. Plato and Aristotle initi- some quarters by the rise of empiricism, Darwinism and various forms ated what was later to be called the natural-law tradition. Central to of atheism led to the search for some standard that would unite radi- natural-law thinking is the Platonic insight that it is possible to define cally heterogeneous values. Mill and others fixed upon certain subjec- objectively what it means to be good at being a person. Just as there are tive ends, styled variously as «happiness» or «pleasure.» As the afore- standards of excellence for being a doctor and a teacher, so there are mentioned belief in divine providence continued to decline, the terrible knowable standards of excellence for being human. The good society is burden of completely securing the future seemed to fall entirely upon one in which people are allowed to conform to these standards. human shoulders. In principle, no possible course of action could be The Judeo-Christian idea of a transcendent source of all value is ruled out as wrong or impermissible in itself and no sacrifice of known consonant with these classical insights. The commandments that gov- goods could be regarded as too great if it would secure greater happi- ern the life of the Jew and the Christian are strictly categorical in na- ness in the future. Thus, in the search for a means of maximizing the ture, as indeed are most ethical codes based on theistic sources. Friend- good, moral rules lost their categorical force. Given the pervasiveness ship with God is closely linked to walking the path of justice; it is un- of this moral theory and its impact upon the common person, it is no derstood that to damage any basic human value is to attack the very accident that our own century is replete with political movements that source of value and being. require or threaten the destruction of known values in order to create a The absolutist conception of justice was reflected in the medie- future of unlimited happiness. The belief in the mutability of moral ob- val theory of the just war. The notion that in war noncombatants must ligations is one of the main arguments for terrorism. If there are no ab- never be made the object of direct attacks is but one instance of the ap- solute human rights, the innocent are in danger. «Calculations» about plication of the categorical prohibition of murder to the realm of war. 67 68
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