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3
Chapter One
NO SURRENDER!
Unit I.
1. Read and translate the text.
When the Protestant citizens of Belfast parade on 12 July every year, with their
fine bands and banners and fancy dress, to celebrate the victory of William of Orange
at the battle of the Boyn in 1690, there is a solemn revelry about them, almost as if
they had just won that victory themselves. Their bowler hats are no more normal head
gear today than they were at the battle of the Boyn. But with those bowler hats they
specifically celebrate two victories in one. The second was won just before the First
World War in 1914, when their grandfathers and great-grandfathers marched to stop
the British government of the day from carrying out its intention to give a united
Ireland the limited form of national independence known as Home Rule. However,
how is it that these men want nothing to do with the idea of Irish national
independence? Why do they insist that Ireland ‘a Nation’ should not include them?
To answer that one needs to go back further than the Battle of the Boyne.
It was at Rathmullen, the amiable little seaside town, on 4 September 1607 that a
ship which had been tied up here for a few days, flying French colours, pulled up
anchor and sailed away, carrying with it into voluntary exile in Europe the two last
great Gaelic Catholic chieftains to try to stop English rule from becoming effective in
Ireland: Hugh O’Neill, the earl of Tyrone and his ally, the earl of Tyrconnell, Rory,
Hugh O’Donnell’s heir.
The four counties of Donegal, Tyrone, Derry and Armagh (the territories of the
earls) together with the two counties of Cavan and Fermanagh became subject to the
most systematic attempt yet to plant or settle in Ireland strangers from England and
Scotland. This was the so-called Plantation of Ulster, worked out on a government
drawing-board between 1608 and 1610.
The City of London, with its great capital resources, had undertaken the task of
colonizing not only Derry itself but also the whole country. The land was divided
among wealthy City companies – drapers, salters, fishmongers, haberdashers and the
rest. The plan, at least on the drawing-board, was that almost all the land of the
County of Derry should go through these City companies to Scottish and English
settlers who would not be allowed to take Irish tenants. About five per cent was to go
to former soldiers who were allowed to take Irish tenants: the rest – about ten per cent
– was allotted to the native Irish, former occupants of the whole of it, who now had to
pay the Crown double the rent the settlers paid for their less fertile lands. In the other
confiscated counties the principles of land allocation were similar.
However, the City companies and others who undertook to implement the
settlement often allowed the native Irish to stay on the land despite the new
regulations, either as much-needed labourers for the settlers, or as rent-paying tenants
3 Chapter One NO SURRENDER! Unit I. 1. Read and translate the text. When the Protestant citizens of Belfast parade on 12 July every year, with their fine bands and banners and fancy dress, to celebrate the victory of William of Orange at the battle of the Boyn in 1690, there is a solemn revelry about them, almost as if they had just won that victory themselves. Their bowler hats are no more normal head gear today than they were at the battle of the Boyn. But with those bowler hats they specifically celebrate two victories in one. The second was won just before the First World War in 1914, when their grandfathers and great-grandfathers marched to stop the British government of the day from carrying out its intention to give a united Ireland the limited form of national independence known as Home Rule. However, how is it that these men want nothing to do with the idea of Irish national independence? Why do they insist that Ireland ‘a Nation’ should not include them? To answer that one needs to go back further than the Battle of the Boyne. It was at Rathmullen, the amiable little seaside town, on 4 September 1607 that a ship which had been tied up here for a few days, flying French colours, pulled up anchor and sailed away, carrying with it into voluntary exile in Europe the two last great Gaelic Catholic chieftains to try to stop English rule from becoming effective in Ireland: Hugh O’Neill, the earl of Tyrone and his ally, the earl of Tyrconnell, Rory, Hugh O’Donnell’s heir. The four counties of Donegal, Tyrone, Derry and Armagh (the territories of the earls) together with the two counties of Cavan and Fermanagh became subject to the most systematic attempt yet to plant or settle in Ireland strangers from England and Scotland. This was the so-called Plantation of Ulster, worked out on a government drawing-board between 1608 and 1610. The City of London, with its great capital resources, had undertaken the task of colonizing not only Derry itself but also the whole country. The land was divided among wealthy City companies – drapers, salters, fishmongers, haberdashers and the rest. The plan, at least on the drawing-board, was that almost all the land of the County of Derry should go through these City companies to Scottish and English settlers who would not be allowed to take Irish tenants. About five per cent was to go to former soldiers who were allowed to take Irish tenants: the rest – about ten per cent – was allotted to the native Irish, former occupants of the whole of it, who now had to pay the Crown double the rent the settlers paid for their less fertile lands. In the other confiscated counties the principles of land allocation were similar. However, the City companies and others who undertook to implement the settlement often allowed the native Irish to stay on the land despite the new regulations, either as much-needed labourers for the settlers, or as rent-paying tenants