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noble. Blue is commonplace. Red is gaudy. Green is harsh. ... Colourlessness, on the other hand, is a token of
refinement; white is comparable to the colour of European skin."
At the beginning, of the 1920s, Behne, Taut and Gropius advocated colour as an expression of a social, in-
deed socialist, Utopia, as a manifestation of individuality, joie de vivre and internationalism. The notion that
colour might be a substitute for ornament - cheap decoration for the masses - receded behind these psychologi-
cal implications.
The Dutch architects and artists of the De Stijl group were less concerned with aspects of social reform as-
sociated with colour. They were far more interested in applying it in the service of Utopian goals. Mondrian
declared in 1923 that painting detached from architectural construction (i.e. panel painting) had no further justi-
fication. The concept of the equality of architectural surfaces that was so important to De Stijl architects led to
the abandonment of the formal idea of a main facade. The combination of white with both bold and subdued
colours, as employed by Taut in his early garden city project, was also a feature of many Bauhaus buildings. In
Weimar, at a time when Gropius and Taut were advocating "colour in building", its use was possible only inter-
nally. In Dessau, in contrast, it was used both internally and externally. Today, the refurbished master houses
provide proof of the lively and varied coloration implemented at that time. A comparison with the Weissenhof
Estate demonstrates that the shift to a white aesthetic and the dictum of a "white Modern Movement" are more
closely linked with Mies van der Rohe than with the Bauhaus in general. Mies wanted an off-white coloration
for Weissenhof, but not all the architects followed his wishes. Le Corbusier, for example, gave detailed instruc-
tions for the use of colour in his buildings. His subtle coloration may also be found in the interior of the Villa
La Roche in Paris. Nevertheless, the overall impression one has of Weissenhof is of a white estate. This, com-
bined with the flat-roofed form of construction, led to the name "Little Jerusalem" which was applied to this
scheme in hostile right-wing and anti-Semitic circles. To what extent brown and beige dominated the scene in
Germany in the years of Nazi rule can be seen in Konrad Gatz's large work "Farbe und malerischer Schmuck
am Bau", published in Munich in 1940. The book shows that colour design was also of great importance under
the National Socialists. Not surprisingly, a reversal took place after the Second World War, when white was
again identified with modernity. The exhibition "The International Style", organised in America by Henry-
Russell Hitchcock and Philip Johnson in 1932, had an enormous influence on attitudes towards coloration. Al-
though Hitchcock and Johnson drew a distinction between the coloured and white phases of the Modern
Movement, they clearly felt no great attraction to colour.
In the 1950s, after the years of "brown" politics, the identification of white with purity came to assume an
important role again. In the early years of the economic recovery and reconstruction of Germany after the war,
there was also a new awareness of the significance of colour. Heinz Loffelhardt's book "Wie Wohnen", pub-
lished in 1949, discusses colour in and around the house, making reference to America, which by that time was
seen as a model of progress. Loffelhardt's work, which is typical of the spate of literature on this subject in the
post-war years, pleads for more coloration. The 1950s were, indeed, distinguished by a large number of col-
oured facades and the use of many different materials in building. On the other hand, the refined quality of
white modernism had lost none of its old attraction. Max Bill, a pupil of the Bauhaus in its last phase and the
founding rector of the University for Design in Jim, was regarded as a moral authority in questions of style in
the young Federal Republic of Germany. He believed that colour had no place in architecture. Just as Henry
Ford thought a car could have any colour, as long as it was black, so Bill was in favour of all colours - as long
as they were white.
In the 1950s, therefore, the polarity between the refinement of white and the cheapness of coloration that
had emerged in the 20s reappeared. From the post-war years down to the present days, advertising and com-
mercial interests have done little to advance the cause of colour. A slogan by facade designer Friedrich Ernst
von Garnier may be cited as a case in point: “Friendly colours for a world that is becoming increasingly hard.”
The use of colour in buildings therewith reduced to a mere finishing coat applied for the sake of harmony, as
Ulrich Conrads remarked. The return to the coloration in architecture during the period of pop art and postmod-
ernism was loud and clear. People were shocked by the pop colours used in the Markishes Viertel in Berlin in
1968, but it was still possible to relegate the scheme to the category of “coloured public housing”. The Centre
Pompidou, 1977, was a different kettle of fish altogether, a colourful freestanding structure located in the mot-
ley grey of Paris. Although it exploited the colours of technical information systems, the Centre Pompidou was
set with signal effect in its urban surroundings. After “beton brut” and a fascination for graphic structures, it
was the new understanding of conservation - and a number of ebullient refurbishment schemes - that finally led
to the reintroduction of colour in entire streets in Germany.
Although the legendary architectural biennial of 1980 created a feeling that anything was possible, with the
increased acceptance of bold coloration and ornament, it took some years before a heightened awareness of the
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